Democrat Abigail Spanberger defeated Republican Winsome Earle-Sears to win the Virginia governor’s race, tallying significant leads among reliable Democratic groups while capitalizing on economic worries and the deep unpopularity of President Donald Trump in the state.

Spanberger will be the first woman to hold the office in the Old Dominion State.

The former Virginia congresswoman replaces term-limited Republican Governor Glenn Youngkin, who was the first Republican to win a statewide election in Virginia in 12 years when he was elected in 2021. That race surprised many in that it was much closer than the 2020 presidential race the year before, where Biden defeated Trump by 10 points. This year it was the other way around, with Spanberger well exceeding the 2024 presidential margin that saw Harris over Trump by only six points.

Trump was undoubtedly a factor in the race, even though he wasn’t on the ballot. Close to six in ten Virginia voters disapproved of the job he is doing, while more than half said they strongly disapprove. The vast majority of these voters backed Spanberger.

Two-thirds of Spanberger supporters said their vote was expressly to show opposition to the president. That compares to about one-third of those backing current Lt. Governor Earle-Sears who said theirs was to show support.

Aside from those sending a signal of opposition to Trump, Spanberger’s strong appeal to Black voters, college graduates and the young was more than enough to offset Earle-Sears’ strength among White men, White evangelicals and those with no college degree, according to near-final data from the Fox News Voter Poll, a survey of more than 4,000 Virginia voters.

Not even the prospect of voting for the first Black woman governor of any state seemed to move Black voters, who backed Spanberger by about a nine to one margin.

Spanberger also benefited from a significant gender gap. Indeed, 65% of women backed her compared to 35% for Earle-Sears, a 30-point advantage; and men supported Earle-Sears by 4 points (48% for Spanberger, 52% Earle-Sears) – leaving a gender gap of 34 points, one of the largest in recent memory.

Neither party is very popular in the state, half of voters said they have an unfavorable opinion of Democrats, and more than half felt that way about Republicans.

Between the two candidates, however, Spanberger garnered a net-positive rating – more than half had a favorable opinion of her – compared to Sears, and more than half viewed her unfavorably.

Voters continue to be happy with Youngkin. More than half approved of the job he is doing as governor.

The top characteristic Virginia voters wanted in a candidate was someone who shares their values, followed by someone who is honest and trustworthy.

Values voters broke for Earle-Sears while Spanberger carried those looking for honesty.

Spanberger focused heavily on the economy during the campaign, specifically banging home the deleterious effects that Trump administration efforts to upend government in DC are having on Virginia, home to a large number of federal workers.

More than six in ten of those federal employees backed Spanberger.

The economy was by far the top issue for Virginia voters – with close to half ranking it as the most important. Those voters broke significantly for Spanberger.

Healthcare was the second most important concern – another issue Spanberger hit hard in the wake of the federal government shutdown and people facing the possible loss of health benefits.

Those voters who said healthcare was their number one issue went overwhelmingly for Spanberger – by about four to one.

Overall, Virginia voters – about six in ten – think the economy is doing pretty well. Those voters backed Earle-Sears.

But when it comes to their own family’s finances, most said they were either holding steady or falling behind. Both of those groups went for Spanberger.

And of the six in ten voters who said the federal budget cuts had affected their family finances, they backed Spanberger as well.

Two issues that got significant attention from Earle-Sears in the campaign were controversies about trans rights, and the disclosure of violent texts from the Democratic candidate for Attorney General.

Fewer than half of voters found the texts sent by Democrat Jay Jones, threatening a fellow lawmaker, disqualifying from the job of attorney general. Those who did broke strongly for Earle-Sears.

The rest, though – who said the texts were concerning but not disqualifying, were not a concern, or who simply didn’t know enough – went strongly for Spanberger.

It was suspected that some voters might split their votes, backing Spanberger for governor but Republican Jason Miyares for attorney general. That did not happen. Those Democrats defecting to Miyares remained in the single digits, and Jones was declared the winner.

On transgender rights, voters have mixed views. Half said support has gone too far – the position Earle-Sears took, with special emphasis on its effect on schools and girls’ sports. The other half, however, said support has not gone far enough, or it’s been about right.

Those who said it’d gone too far backed Earle-Sears by almost four to one, while those who disagreed went hard for Spanberger.

In the end, the headwinds of Trump’s unpopularity and the ire of the vast number of federal workers in the state was too much for Earle-Sears to overcome.

Only about a third of Virginia voters are happy with the direction the country is going, and while these voters overwhelmingly backed Earle-Sears, the other two-thirds went big for Spanberger. Of the four in ten who are actually angry about how things are going, almost all of them – more than nine in ten – backed Spanberger.

Asked about Trump’s immigration enforcement efforts, more than half say it has gone too far, and, perhaps not surprisingly, most of these voters backed Spanberger.

Almost all Democrats voted for Spanberger, as did a few Republicans. Earle-Sears was unable to generate any sort of crossover appeal, while winning most Republicans. The small group of independents favored Spanberger.

The Fox News Voter Poll is based on a survey conducted by SSRS with Virginia registered voters. This survey was conducted October 22 to November 4, 2025, concluding at the end of voting on Election Day. The poll combines data collected from registered voters online and by telephone with data collected in-person from Election Day voters at 30 precincts per state/city. In the final step, all the pre-election survey respondents and Election Day exit poll respondents are combined by adjusting the share of voting mode (absentee, early-in-person, and Election Day) based on the estimated composition of the state/city’s final electorate. Once votes are counted, the survey results are also weighted to match the overall results in each state. Results among more than 4,500 Virginia voters interviewed have an estimated margin of sampling error of plus or minus 2.1 percentage points, including the design effects. The error margin is larger among subgroups.

New York City socialist candidate Zohran Mamdani cruised to victory on Tuesday night, defying the laundry list of critics who railed against him over several high-profile controversial stances and statements.

Communist label

Mamdani dismissed the ‘communist’ label throughout the campaign, maintaining that he is a democratic socialist.

His past comments promoting the abolition of private property, seizing the means of production, claiming billionaires shouldn’t exist, and calling for free government programs earned him the communist label from some, including President Donald Trump. 

Mike Gonzalez, the Angeles T. Arredondo E Pluribus Unum Senior Fellow at The Heritage Foundation, told Fox News Digital earlier this year that Mamdani is ‘absolutely a communist’ who ‘repeats lines out of the ‘Communist Manifesto’ and other writings by Karl Marx.’

‘When Marxists today say they are socialists, they usually want to convey the impression that they believe in elections and not just in shooting your way into power,’ Gonzalez added. ‘Of course, that election often ends up being the last free and fair one. Witness Venezuela.’

Anti-Israel positions

Days before the election, an antisemitism research institute released a comprehensive report that summarized its concerns about Mamdani’s stances on Israel and concluded he shouldn’t become the next mayor of New York City.

Mamdani faced heated criticism on the campaign trail, including hundreds of rabbis signing a letter opposing him for positions dating back to his time in college co-founding his school’s Students for Justice in Palestine chapter all the way up to this year when he was hesitant to definitively condemn the term ‘globalize the intifada.’

Mamdani sparked a political firestorm last month, drawing outrage from the law enforcement community after posting a smiling photo with Imam Siraj Wahhaj, a Brooklyn cleric who served as a character witness for the mastermind of the 1993 World Trade Center bombing and has been a longtime defender of convicted terrorists, raising funds for their legal defenses.

Mamdani, a 34-year-old New York state assembly member, has been an outspoken critic of Israel and has even vowed to have Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu arrested if he visits New York City. 

‘I call Zohran Mamdani a jihadist because he is. Zohran Mamdani is a raging anti-Semite,’ New York GOP Rep. Elise Stefanik said in August. 

‘Mamdani is the definition of a jihadist as he supports Hamas terrorists which he did as recently as yesterday, when he refused to call for Hamas terrorists to put down their arms — the same Hamas terrorist group that slaughtered civilians including New Yorkers on October 7, 2023.’

In July, a Jewish advocacy group blasted Mamdani for sharing a video mocking Hanukkah Jewish traditions on social media.

Mamdani also faced criticism over the anti-Israel positions of his Columbia University professor father, Mahmood, who previously compared Abraham Lincoln to Adolf Hitler and appeared sympathetic to suicide bombers in a book he authored.

‘I think critiques of the state of Israel are critiques of a government, as opposed to critiques of a people and of a faith,’ Mamdani told MSNBC this week. ‘And my job is to represent every single New Yorker, and I will do so no matter their thoughts and opinions on Israel and Palestine, of which millions of New Yorkers have very strong views — and I’m one of them.’ 

Defunding the police

Public safety was one of the most talked about issues on the campaign trail, resulting in a constant debate about Mamdani’s calls in 2020 to ‘defund the police.’

Before his mayoral campaign, Mamdani called the New York Police Department ‘racist’ and said in 2023, ‘We have to make clear that when the boot of the NYPD is on your neck, it’s been laced by the IDF.’

‘I think what scares a lot of New Yorkers about the policy positions taken by Zohran Mamdani over the years is that he has exhibited not just a lack of appreciation for the men and women that stand on that [police] line, but a visceral disdain for them, which has led him to push for things like defunding and dismantling the police,’ Rafael A. Mangual, senior fellow and head of research for policing and public safety at the Manhattan Institute, told Fox News Digital in August, shortly after a gunman killed four people in midtown Manhattan, including a NYPD police officer. 

‘It’s not so much as just that he said, well, I wanna allocate some of this money to other places. He has gone so far as to say that we should dismantle the entire department.’

Mamdani attempted to distance himself from his previous positions on the campaign trail and apologized to them in a Fox News interview in October.

‘Will you do that right now?’ Fox News anchor Martha MacCallum asked. 

‘Absolutely,’ Mamdani said, turning to face the camera directly. ‘I’ll apologize to police officers right here because this is the apology that I’ve been sharing with many rank-and-file officers. And I apologize because of the fact that I’m looking to work with these officers, and I know that these officers, these men and women who serve in the NYPD, they put their lives on the line every single day. And I will be a mayor.’

Columbus Day incident

In July, Mamdani sparked a social media firestorm after a post resurfaced of him giving the middle finger to a statue of Christopher Columbus.

‘Take it down,’ Mamdani posted in June 2020, along with a photo showing what is presumably his gloved hand raising the middle finger toward a statue of the famed Italian explorer in Astoria, New York.

In a post around the same time, Mamdani asked his followers in a poll who should be honored instead of Columbus with options that included, ‘Tony Bennett (Astoria native, music icon) Walter Audisio (Communist partisan, killed Mussolini) Sacco & Vanzetti (Executed due to anti-Italian sentiment).’

The winners of the poll were Sacco and Vanzetti, two anarcho-communists executed in 1927.

Some in the Italian community took offense to the post, according to a New York Post report, including Columbus Heritage Coalition President Angelo Vivolo.

‘We will defend Columbus Day and Columbus statues,’ Vivolo said. 

‘He is being disrespectful to the Italian American community.’ Vivolo added. ‘If you offend one community, you offend all communities.’

Despite the criticisms and opposition from high-profile lawmakers across the country, Mamdani’s campaign focused on affordability, pushing back against Trump, and taxing the rich guided him to a commanding victory on Tuesday night.

Mamdani’s victory is expected to be a rallying cry for Republicans as they look to paint him and his socialist agenda as the face of the Democratic Party heading into next year’s midterms. 

‘The Democrat Party has surrendered to radical socialist Zohran Mamdani and the far-left mob who are now running the show,’ National Republican Committee Spokesman Mike Marinella told Fox News Digital on Tuesday night. 

‘They’ve proudly embraced defunding the police, abolishing ICE, taxing hard-working Americans to death, and replacing common sense with chaos. Every House Democrat is foolishly complicit in their party’s collapse, and voters will make them pay in 2026.’ 

Fox News Digital’s Deirdre Heavey contributed to this report.

Senate Democrats are trying to figure out their exit strategy from the ongoing government shutdown as lawmakers on both sides remain cautiously optimistic that the end is near.

At hand are offers Senate Republicans have made since nearly the beginning of the shutdown, which crept into record-breaking territory Tuesday night.

Among the options Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., and his caucus mulled were a vote on expiring Obamacare subsidies, attaching a host of spending bills to the government funding extension and likely extending the House-passed continuing resolution (CR) until December or January.

Following a nearly three-hour, closed-door lunch, Schumer gave little indication as to what Democrats’ move would be. He noted that the longer-than-usual caucus lunch went well, and that Senate Democrats were ‘exploring all the options.’

If enough Senate Democrats join Republicans to reopen the government and take up the GOP’s offer, they’d effectively be caving after spending 36 days entrenched in their position that they needed an ironclad deal on the expiring Obamacare premium subsidies.

Like Schumer, many Democratic lawmakers were tight-lipped about their discussions.

‘It’s still a work in progress,’ Sen. Gary Peters, D-Mich., said.

One part of the equation is tacking on a trio of spending bills, known as a minibus, that would fund military construction and the Department of Veterans Affairs, the legislative branch, and agriculture and the Food and Drug Administration.

Senate appropriators, who have been the main protagonists of increased bipartisan talks, believe that jump-starting the government funding process could be the key to ending the shutdown.

‘The reason we’re in this position is that we have not passed appropriations bills,’ Sen. Katie Britt, R-Ala., said. ‘So beginning to break the logjam through doing that, we think would be incredibly effective.’

The other part of the equation is a guarantee from Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., that Senate Democrats would get a vote on a bill that dealt with the expiring Obamacare subsidies.

But that attempt is almost certain to fail, given that Senate Republicans want to see major reforms made to the program.

‘It’s a universe that I think is pretty well-defined and established,’ Thune said. ‘I’ve said this before, but the question is whether or not we’ll take ‘yes’ for an answer.’

That’s where the deep-seated lack of trust that Senate Democrats have for their counterparts across the aisle and of President Donald Trump comes in that has underscored much of the shutdown. One of their demands is to have the healthcare bill voted on by a simple, 50-vote majority, which Thune and Republicans scoffed at.

Still, Senate Democrats are eyeing more of a solution to the healthcare issue rather than the promise of a process, which Thune has given.

‘I’m interested in negotiation, but a negotiation that ends up — that ends in a piece of legislation being passed,’ Sen. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., said. ‘An agreement to take a vote that Republicans are guaranteeing will fail doesn’t sound like an outcome that helps regular Americans.’

Others, particularly progressives in the Senate Democratic caucus, don’t want to see Schumer or their colleagues back down, even as federal workers and air traffic controllers go unpaid, and as the administration has wavered on funding federal food benefits despite a court order to do so.

‘If the Democrats cave on this, I think it will be a betrayal to millions and millions of working families who want them to stand up and protect their healthcare benefits,’ Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., said.

Despite promises of a vote, Republicans argue they can’t predetermine the future outcome nor guarantee that a Democratic proposal would pass.

‘[Thune] has said from Day 1 that he would provide them with a vote,’ Sen. Mike Rounds, R-S.D., said. ‘What he can’t do is provide them with an outcome.’

Rounds is one of a handful of Senate Republicans who has engaged in bipartisan talks throughout the shutdown and was hopeful that over a dozen Democrats would cross the aisle to reopen the government.

‘I think they’re tired of this,’ Rounds said.

The most consequential moments of the Trump–Xi summit last week did not occur at South Korea’s Gimhae International Airport. Statements about ‘stabilizing relations’ and ‘reducing tensions’ were predictable, almost perfunctory. 

The real story unfolded in the weeks leading up to the summit – in the choreography, the pageantry and the unmistakable assertion of American power across the Indo-Pacific. By the time Xi Jinping sat across from Donald Trump, he was meeting a U.S. president who had already recommitted to America’s military preeminence in the region, reaffirmed its alliances, and reminded Beijing that the United States remains the indispensable Pacific power.

In the days before the summit, Trump delivered a series of moves that together amounted to a strategic message. When reporters aboard Air Force One asked about Taiwan, he replied simply, ‘There’s not that much to ask about it. Taiwan is Taiwan.’ 

The remark – off-the-cuff but unmistakable in meaning – pushed back against speculation that his administration might soften on the issue in pursuit of a grand bargain with Beijing. Trump’s statement told Xi that the United States would not barter away the foundation of East Asian stability for a better trade deal. Since 1979, American policy toward Taiwan has relied on strategic ambiguity – but Trump’s phrasing underscored deterrence, not doubt. 

Then came a tangible demonstration of alliance power. The Trump administration announced a new partnership with a leading South Korean shipbuilder to co-produce nuclear-powered submarines and expand U.S. shipyard capacity – a deal expected to bring billions of dollars in investment and jobs to American facilities, including in Philadelphia and along the Gulf Coast. 

For all the rhetoric about ‘America First,’ this was alliance diplomacy in practice: fusing allied industrial bases to strengthen deterrence. At a time when China is out-building the U.S. Navy at a breathtaking pace, the U.S.–ROK shipbuilding initiative signals that Washington is no longer content to outsource maritime capacity to its competitors.

Equally deliberate was Trump’s decision to post on Truth Social about nuclear-weapons testing – announcing that the United States would resume limited tests to ensure readiness. The statement came in direct response to China’s accelerated nuclear expansion. 

The Pentagon’s 2024 China Military Power Report estimated that Beijing had surpassed 600 operational nuclear warheads and was rapidly expanding its missile forces and fissile-material production capacity. In recent years, satellite imagery and open-source reporting have also suggested that China may be preparing renewed activity at its Lop Nur nuclear test site, reinforcing concerns that Beijing is edging toward a more aggressive testing posture.

In that context, Trump’s post was less provocation than deterrent signaling – a reminder that the U.S. will not allow the balance of nuclear credibility to tilt unchallenged. The move ignited controversy but achieved its purpose: it reassured allies and warned adversaries that American nuclear deterrence is not theoretical.

Perhaps the clearest articulation of this posture came aboard the USS George Washington two days before the summit. Standing on the carrier’s deck alongside Japan’s prime minister, President Trump declared that ‘the U.S. military will win – every time.’ The audience was not voters in the United States. The message was directed at Xi Jinping, the People’s Liberation Army, and America’s allies watching across the Indo-Pacific. 

With the Japanese prime minister by his side – who described the carrier as a ‘symbol of protecting freedom and peace in this region’ – the moment projected allied unity and deterrent resolve. It was as much a visual message as a verbal one: the United States and its partners were back in the business of winning, and Beijing would have to recalibrate its assumptions accordingly.

Taken together – the Taiwan statement, the South Korea shipbuilding accord, the nuclear-testing post, and the carrier speech – the president’s actions framed the summit before it even began. 

These were not the actions of a president declaring detente with Beijing. They told Xi that the United States would not arrive as a supplicant seeking stability at any price, nor should America First to be interpreted as ‘America Alone,’ retreating to the Western Hemisphere.

Instead, President Trump positioned himself at the helm of an American-led order in the Indo-Pacific in which its two most important allies–Japan and South Korea– play leading roles. His message was not isolation but orchestration: America’s strength is amplified through partnership.

This approach marks an evolution from President Trump’s first term, when ‘burden-sharing’ often meant brow-beating allies. Now his focus is on empowerment — accelerating allied shipbuilding, missile defense and joint exercises. 

The summit’s scripted pleasantries – calls for dialogue and vows to ‘manage competition responsibly’ – mattered less than the backdrop: a U.S. president reinforcing alliances, expanding shipbuilding and projecting confidence from ‘100,000 tons of diplomacy’–the deck of an aircraft carrier.

President Trump will return to Beijing in April for a follow-up summit with Xi – a test of whether his current posture endures. As any student of ‘The Art of the Deal’ knows, Trump’s instinct is to maximize leverage before negotiation. 

The handshake between Trump and Xi captured that dynamic: a confident Trump leaning into Xi knowing weeks of U.S. maneuvers had strengthened America’s hand in its competition with China. Whether that grip represents a lasting commitment to Indo-Pacific leadership or merely a pause before the next deal remains to be seen.

: The House GOP’s campaign arm is wasting no time in linking New York City’s democratic socialist mayor-elect to congressional Democrats facing challenging re-elections in next year’s midterm elections.

Hours after Zohran Mamdani’s election victory in New York City’s mayoral election, the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC) on Wednesday launched a digital ad spotlighting him, which is running in nearly 50 competitive House districts.

‘A radical left earthquake just hit America. The epicenter: New York,’ says the narrator in the NRCC spot, which was shared first with Fox News Digital.

The narrator argues that ‘the new socialist Mayor Zohran Mamdani built his movement on defunding the police and abolishing ICE. Now the socialists are celebrating. They call it progress. We call it chaos. Bureaucrats instead of doctors. Social workers instead of cops.’

‘This is the future House Democrats want, and your city could be next. Stop socialism. Stop Democrats,’ concludes the narrator, under pictures of Mamdani and House Minority Leader Rep. Hakeem Jeffries of New York.

Jeffries, the top Democrat in the chamber, endorsed Mamdani last week, nearly four months after Mamdani sent political shockwaves across the nation with his convincing win over former New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo and nine other candidates to capture the Democratic Party’s mayoral nomination.

Since Mamdani’s primary victory, Republicans have repeatedly aimed to make the now-34-year-old Ugandan-born state lawmaker from New York City the new face of the Democratic Party, as they work to characterize Democrats as far-left socialists.

Mamdani defeated Cuomo and two-time Republican mayoral nominee Curtis Sliwa in Tuesday’s election, making history as the first Muslim and first millennial mayor of the nation’s most populous city.

He was heavily criticized by Republicans and some Democrats for his far-left proposals to eliminate fares to ride New York City’s vast bus system, make CUNY (City University of New York) ‘tuition-free,’ freeze rents on municipal housing, offer ‘free childcare’ for children up to age 5 and set up government-run grocery stores.

Mamdani also took incoming political fire over his verbal attacks on Israel, his past critical comments about the New York City Police Department (NYPD), and his proposal to shift certain responsibilities away from the NYPD and focus on social services and community-based programs.

The digital spot, which is backed by a modest ad buy, will run in 29 Democrat-controlled House districts being targeted by the NRCC.

The lawmakers in the districts are Josh Harder (CA-09), Adam Gray (CA-13), George Whitesides (CA-27), Derek Tran (CA-45), Dave Min (CA-47), Darren Soto (FL-09), Jared Moskowitz (FL-23), Frank Mrvan (IN-01), Jared Golden (ME-02), Kristen McDonald Rivet (MI-08), Don Davis (NC-01), OPEN (NH-01), Nellie Pou (NJ-09), Gabe Vasquez (NM-02), Dina Titus (NV-01), Susie Lee (NV-03), Steven Horsford (NV-04), Tom Suozzi (NY-03), Laura Gillen (NY-04), Josh Riley (NY-19), Marcy Kaptur (OH-09), Emilia Sykes (OH-13), OPEN (TX-09), Henry Cuellar (TX-28), Julie Johnson (TX-32), Vicente Gonzalez (TX-34), OPEN (TX-35), Eugene Vindman (VA-07), and Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (WA-03).

The ads will also run digitally in 20 Republican-controlled House districts the NRCC expects to be in play in the midterms.

The lawmakers in those districts are Reps. Nick Begich (AK-AL), OPEN (AZ-01), Juan Ciscomani (AZ-06), David Valadao (CA-22), Young Kim (CA-40), Ken Calvert (CA-41), Gabe Evans (CO-08), Mariannette Miller-Meeks (IA-01), Zach Nunn (IA-03), Tom Barrett (MI-07), OPEN (MI-10), OPEN (NE-02), Tom Kean, Jr. (NJ-07), Mike Lawler (NY-07), Brian Fitzpatrick (PA-01), Ryan Mackenzie (PA-07), Rob Bresnahan (PA-08), Scott Perry (PA-10), Scott Perry, (PA-10), Jen Kiggans (VA-02), and Derrick Van Orden (WI-03).

At full strength, the Republicans hold a 220-215 majority in the House. Democrats need to pick up just three seats to win back the majority.